Seenaa Gabaabaa Goticha Jaal Lagasaa Waagii Meetta

Jaal Lagaasaa Wagii abba isaani obbo Wagii Meetta fi haadha isaani addee Buzunaash Ayyaana irraa bara 1960,Godiina Lixa Shawaa, konyaa Mannaa, Aanaa Shinoo Meettaa Robii, ganda Kuyyuu Giccii jedhamtuu keessatti dhalate.


Jaal Lagaasaa Wagii umriin isaa barmootaaf yeroo gahu, mana baruumsa sadaarka tokkoffaa Bakkamee jedhamuuti kutaa 1-4 barate. Barnoota isaa kutaa 5-8 ammoo mana barumsaa Hinccinniitti barate. Sana booda gara Finfinneetti deemuun barumsa isaa itti fufuun kutaa 10-11 magaluuma Finfinneeti barate.


Jaal Lagaassaa Wagii erga barumsa isaa haga kutaa 11ti barate booda barnoota akadaamii dhiisee baruumsa Makaanikummaa fi Konkoolaata oofu bara 1975 keessa barateera. Oguummaa isaa kananiis hojiilee adda addaa irraatti bobbahuun hojjaachaa ture. Jaala Laggaasaa Wagii hojii daldala irraatti bobbahuun magaala Dirree Dhawaa keessaati waggaa torbaaf kan jiraachaa turan yeroo tahu, hojiidhuuma daldala kanaaf meesha daldaala adda addaa fe’achuun gara Dhiha Oromiyaa deemuun daldala itti fufe.


Jaal Laggaasaa Wagii obbolaa shan kan qabu yeroo tahu,Waxbajjii 27 bara 1987 haadha mana isaanii Waynisheet Getahuun fudhe. Hadha Mana isaa kana irraa ijjoollee dubartoota sadii (3) kana maqaan isaani Bilisummaa Laggasaa, Firehiwet Laggasaa fi Nestaannet Laggasaa kan jedhamaaniis godhate.


Jaal Laggasa Wagii jaalalaa fi fedhii guddaa ummata isaaf qaba. Akkasumas hacuccaan ummata isaa irra gahu boqonnaa waan isaan dhorkeef bara 1990 maatii isaa jaallatu dhiisee Dhiha Oromiyaa deemun QBO hogganummaa ABOtiin gaggeeffamutti makame. Bara 1991 barumsa siyaasaa fi leenjjii waranuumma, marsaa 18ffaa gahummaan xumuratee, dirree dhihaatti miseensa ABO ta’e.


Dammaqiinsaa fi hubaannoo Jaal Lagaasa Wagii qabu irraatti hundaa’uun dhaaba keessaatti barumsa dabballummaa bara 1991 bakka Beelmuuguu jedhamuutti barate. Akka baratee baheen dirqama dabballummaan zoonii Begitti ramadame. Zoonii kana keessatti dirqama dabballummaa gahummaan osoo bahaa jiruu mootummaan Dargii kufe. Dhaabni dandeetii fi gahummaa isaa ilaaluu dhaan ona Qaaqeetti dirqama bulchiisaatti ramade. Bulchaa ona kanaa yeroo turetti kaayyoo ABO ummata hifannaa tokko malee barsiisuun fakkii guddaa miseensa tahee fi ummata biratti jaalala guddaa nama horatee dha.


ABO mootummaa Cehumsaa keessaa akka baheen WBO naannoo jirtuu dabalamuun diina jabinaan lolee lolchiiseera. Falmaa diinaa wajjin godhamuu haga walakkeessa bara 1993 itti fufuun of ijaaruuf humna daangaa Sudaanii fi Itophiyatti bahee waliin ture. Bara 1994 humna ijaaramee walkeessaa Dhiha Oromiyaatti deebi’e keessa J. Laggasaa tokko ture. WBO diinaa wajjin falmaa hadhaawaa itti fufuun bara 1997 keessa oggaa mootummaan Wayyaanee magaalota Sudaan Kurmuk fi Giizan rukuttee qabattee xurreen dhiheessii akka hin cufamneef humna of duuba daangaatti deebi’ee keessa ture Jaal Laggasaan. Bara 1993-1998 tti sadaarka miseensuummaa irra kaase haga sadaarkaa qondaala waraana ol-anaati dirqaama fudhatee qabsaawaa dhugaan qabsaa’ee qabsoo gosiisee dha.


Bara 1998 keessa miseensota ABO leenjii addaaf biyya ollaatti ergaman keessaa ture. Leenjii isaa xumuratee haga ramadamutti biyya ollaa keessa Oromoota jiran akka ijaaruuf dirqamni itti kennamee ture. Akka kanatti tattaaffii J. Laggasaan godheen bara 2000 keessa Oromooti biyya ollaa keessa jiran walitti qabuun Waldaa Hawaasa Oromoo Eritrea ijaare, QBO irraa qooda akka fudhatan taassisee jira.


Jaala Lagasaa Wagiin bakka fi haala dirqaamni qabsoon isa feete hunda keessaati qooda ol’anaa nama kenna turee fi gahumaadhaan dirqaama itti kenname hunda nama baha turee dha. Akka kanaati jaal Lagaasa Wagiin bara 1998/99 irraa kaase itti anaa moona leenjii WBO waliigala tahe hojjaacha turuun isaa seenaan isaa adeesa. Bara 2000 irraa kaase barumsaa fi haroomsa waraanummaa, siyasaa fi tikaa erga baraate booda ajajaa WBO-Zonnii dhiha J/Irreessaa Caalaa jalatti ajajaa bobbaaa fi quunnamtii Dhiha Oromiyaa tahuun bara 2002 dirqama dhaaba fudhatee gara dirree dhihaatti moona leenjii waliigala dhaabiicha irraa bobba’e. Sochii seenaa qabeessaa fi mootummaa Woyyaanee raase WBO bara 2002 baddalee Dhiha Oromiyaa Qeebbe, Dambii Dolloo, Gidamii , Begii fi Mandii keessatti tahaa turan irratti akka ajajaa waraanaa fi siyaasaatti hogganummaa mul’ataa kennee jira. Erga Ajajaan WBO Dhiha Oromiyaa J/Irreessaa Caalaa wareegamee boodaa hanga 05/11/2008 wareegametti ajajaa WBO Dhiha Oromiyaa tahuun falmaa hadhaawaa fi gootummaan guutamee diina waliin tahe hoggana waraanummaa fi siyaasaa kennaa ture


Jaal Lagasaan dirqaama sadaarkaa adda adddaatti irra ture hunda keessaatti, gootummaan, cichoominaa fi obsaan kan dirqama isa baha ture fi fakkeenya guddaa miseensoota, qodaalotaa fi hoggantoota ABO, qabsahoota fi sabboontoota akkasumaas ummata Oromoo hundaaf nama tahe dabree dha.


Jaal Lagasaa Wagii, dirqama dhaabaa fudhatee zoonii dhiha keessa waan tureef KS-ABO-3ffaa bara 2004 irraa hirmaachuu baatuus bakka inni hin jirreetti miseensa GS-ABO tahuun kan filaame. Dirqaama fi itti gaafatamuummaa dachaan itti kenaame kanaas gahuumaa fi of-kenniinsa haga wareegaama lubbuu isaati kennu goota qabsoo tahuu isaa mirkaneesse jirra.


Jaala Lagasaa Wagiin; bishiina qabu irraa, tooftaa fi mala qabu irraa akkasumaas gootuummaa qabu irraa ummaata Oromoo hunda birraatti kan baayyee jaallatamu fi kabajaamu dha. Akkasumaas, jaal Lagasaa Wagiin diina biraati kan bayyee sodatamuu fi gootummaa fi abbaa toftaa fi mala tahuun isaa diinoota keenyaa utuu hin jaallatin kan ragaa bahanii dha.


Mootummaan gita bituu ilmaan Tigray, TPLF Wayyaaneen, yeroo adda addaa humna ishii kumatamaan lakkaawamaan, meesha gurguddaa fi humna qileensaa illee osoo hin hafiin duulaa fi sakataa adda addaa yeroo itti zoonii dhihaa keessaati bana turteeti, WBO hogannuun, hoggaansa cimaa kenuun, lolaa lolchiisaa humna diina dirree lola irraatti kan qaneesee fi gootummaa WBO kan mirkaneesa ture jaal Lagaasaa Wagii fi jaallewwaan isa waliin lola lolchisaa, diina kufiisa kufa kanneen turanii dha.


Mammaksi Oromoo “Namni gaafuma dhalaate du’e” jedha. Gooti marraa tokko duwwaa du’a, dabeessii garuu lamaa fi sanaa oli du’a. Ammoo lubbuun dhugaa fi haqaaf jedhame bahu akkasumaas, lubbuun qabsoo saba ofii fi kabajaa ummata ofiif jedhaame kafalaamu kan seenaan barabraan yaadatamu dha. Wareegamni, lubbuu qaalli taate mirga sabaa fi biyya offiif jedhamee kafalaamu wareegama akka garaa ulfattuu, kan seenaan yaadataa hafuu dha. Mirgi saba ofii akka kabajamuu fi abbaan biyyumaa ummata Oromoo akka mirkanahuu taasisuuf waan hunda caalaa gootummaan murteessa dha. Sadarkaan gootumma inni dhummaas egaa lubbuu ofii mirga sabaa fi biyya ofiitif jedhamee kaffalamuu dha. Jaal Lagasaaniis, waregaama qaali taate kana kennuun kabajamuu mirga saba isaatii fi abba biyyuummaa Oromoof gootaa of kenne waan taheef seenaan isaa hogayyuu barabaraan kan yaadatamuu taha. J/Lagasaan dirqama sabummaa isaa kana bee’a'e dheebodhe, dadhabe, gaara bahuu, daggala cabsuu hifadhe osoo hin jenne baddaa fi gammoojjii keessatti roobaa, qorra aduu osoo hin jenne rakkinoota qabsoo hadhawoo hundaa kana danda’uun waggootii kana hunda kayyoo kabajamaa kanaaf qooda ol aanaa kennaa turuun ammoo seenaa qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo keessatti bakka olaanaa akka qabaatuu isa taasisa. Qabsawota bilisummaaf fakkii guddaa tahee jira.


Dhiigni jaal Lagasaa dhangala’e, dhiiga akkanumaan lafaati dhagalaahe hafe fi hafu osoo hin taane, dhiiga bilisummaa saba keenyaa dhiheessuu fi umurii diinaa kan gabaabsu waan taheef Oromoota biratti kabajaa fi fakkii guddaan ilaalama.Gumaan isaa qabsahoota haqaa, qabsoo bilisummaa saba isaaniif falmaaniin kan baafamu fi akeekii fi kayyoon Jaal Lagaasaa Wagiin falmaafii ture galmaan gahuun kan mirkanaawu akka tahu mamiin tokko illee hin jiru.


Jecha Maammo Mazamiir “ Qabsahaan Kufuus Qabsoon Itti Fufa!!!

Gootota Oromiyaa Kan Oromiyaa Dhugaa Ijaaruuf Kufanii Kuffisaa Jiran, Lugnootafi Gantoota Itoophiyaa Ijaaruuf Ofiin Harka Kennatan Irraa Maaliin Adda

Kayyoon barreeffama kanaaa yaada dhunfaafi walabaa laachuudhan namoota raata'aniif waan yeroo ammaatti mooraa qabsoo Oromoo kessatti deemuurratti yaadota goototaafi kijibdoota addaan baafachuuf gargaaran laachuudha.Lugnoonni duraan mootummaa homaa wayyanee kessa turaniifi boodarra umnoota "jijjiirama" jedhanii of baasan, jalqabarratti karoora siyaasafi kayyoo Oromomummaa tokkollee kessaa barbaadeen dhabe. Akkuma jalqaba ofumaan ABO dhugaa kana Koloniifii cunqursaa Abisiniyaa jalaa ummmata Oromoo baasuuf wareegama guddaa kaffalaa ture kessa of baaasaniini, murnoonni Jiijiirama ofiin jedhan, sagantaan siyaasaa isaanii sagantaa siyaasa Qindoominaafi sagantaa siyaasaa wayyaaneerra foyya'ee kan hinargamne ta'uu isaa ifatti mul'isanii jiru. Fakkeenyaaf, sabaahimalee Habashaarratti utaaluun, qaanii tokko malee, Oromummaa balaaleffachuudhaan buu'aalee qabsoo amma ammaatti argaman haaluu yaalanii ture.

Radiyoo sagalee Ameerikaatiin gazexeessitoota sagantaa Afaan Amaaraa kan Oromoo akka malee jibbaniin afeeramanii Koloneel Haiyiluu Gonfaa, Generaal Kamaal Galchuu faa Oromoon Oromoof osoo hintaane Itoophiyaa nu dhiiksitefi nu deegsiteef akka qabsaa'an ifatti labsatani. Dabalaaanis Afaan Amaaraan barachuu dhiisuun bartoota Oromiyaa akkamitti barnootaan akka duubatti oofe, qaanii tokko malee waa'ee barnoota osoo waa'ee barnootaa omaa hinbeekne, dhimma hinbeekne kessa seenanii borcanii, laaqanii jiru. Kanas kan godhan dugdaafi udduu isaanii dhaabbilee Amaaraafi Itoopohiyaadhaan of waamanitti gatataniiti. Alaabaa Itophiyaa kan magariisa kelloo diimaa hammachuudhaan kan Oromoo Dimaa Magariisa Dimmaa daraa kessatti akka gadi gatan kuni ifatti mula'atee ture. Oromoof akka hindhabbannee ifatti waan beeksisaniif, Umnoonni Abisiniyaa jechoota isaanii kana wayita dhaga'anitti sabaahimalee isaaniirratti akka "goototaatti" isaan ol kaasanii irratti gabaasa turnai, jirusi. Kanatti warrumti jijjiirama jala of hiriirsa jiru hundi itti qana'uufi gola qabsoo Oromoo ishee dhugatti deebi'uu akka qaban seenaan Oromoo waamicha gootifi.Kayyoo dhabuu murna jijjiirama jedhee of baase irratti ani akka nama alaa daawwatuutti dubbachuuf, ammas waan Kamaal Galchuu Paltalk irratti jedhen hima. Qabsoo Oromoo irratti diina ta'uu isaa ibsuuf, "nuti ABO/Shane ummata irraa mulqinee jirra, diina keenya ajjeesaa jirra in injifanna," jedhe. Gootota Oromoo amma ammaatti qabsoon bilisummaa Oromoo biqilche kessa meeqa saanitu qaanii malee akka Kamaal Galchuufaa Oromoo ajjeesuufi Oromoo molqu, saamuurratti dhaadate? Raafuu namaa kan kayyoo hinqabne, kan OPDO dhumarrayyu gadi taa'an yoo ta'e malee ummanni Oromoo kan dhugaadhaaan bilisummaa Oromoofi Oromiyaatiif yaadu ofuma saatiin ka'e jara akkasii jala of hiriirsuun qaanii guddaadha.

Waan nama boonsu osoo hintaane, waan mata nama qabachiisufi dhiirri dhirummaa isaa garaa isaaf gurgurachuu isaa kan agarsiisudha. Jijjiiramni isaan nutti labsan egaa kanaa? Dhaloonni Oromoo Oromiyaa boru ijaaruuf tattaafannu marti keenya, umnoota kana haawaasa kessatti fudhatama dhabsiisuudhaan gochooti isaan dhabataniif kan Habashoonni dhaabataniifirraa akka adda hintaane saaxiluu qabna.Warri "Jijjiiramaa" Marsaa isaanirratti sagantaa siyaasa ABO isa dhuga waraabuudhaan dhoobbatanii jiru. Garuu qabatamaan kayyowwaniif sagantaa siyaasaa kanaaf jiraachaa hinjirani. Akkamitti namni diigamuu Oromoorraa gammachuu argata? Diigama sanas akkamittiin jijjiirama jedhee moggaasa? Umnoonni Yihudaaa Ambassaa kan Leencoo Baatifi miseensota Homaa Wayyanee duriitirra walittibahan kayyoo, mul'ata, sagantaa Oromoof ta'u waan hinqabneef osuma qabsaa'aniiyyuu fuuldura Oromoof bu'aan isaan fidan gadummaa babal'isuufi qabeenya Oromoo saamanii samsisuu yoo ta'e malee wanti addaa hinjiru. Oromoon kamiyyuu namoonni kuni bilchina siyaasa kan gonkumaayyuu hinqabneefii seenaa Oromoorra seenaa algaa kan itti himame beeku. Seenadhuma Habashaatuu dubbisaniit beeku osoo hintaane waa'ee isaat dhaga'ani. Fuuldurattis "Jijjiiramni" maqaa gaarii ofitti baase bu'aa fiduu hindanda'u. Maalirra malitti akka jijjiran quba wanti qaban hinjiru. Namooti leenjii lolaatiin qofa Oromiyaa walaboomte bulchuuf karoorratan kun, angootti, haa jennuu, osoo ol bahanii akkuma Mangistuu Haiyila Mariyamiifi Mallas Zenaawwii faa ta'u.

Kana jechuun sirna haqaafi dimokiraasiin Oromiyaa bulchuurra irreen bituuf ummata shororkessuu akka danda'an namni kamiyyuu shakkuu hinqabu. Abbaa Irrummaa loltummaa hinbarbaannu. Ani meeseensa eenyyuu miti garuu, ala ta'ee waan deemaa jiru yoon laalu dhugaafi soba, gootummaafi lugnummaa addaan baafachuu danda'eera.Ummanni Oromoo biyyoota ollaa Itoophiyaatti baqatanii umna jijjiiramaa ofiin jehdee ka'e kana jala of hiriirsitaniifi saboontota Oromoo dabarsitanii umnoota tikaa mootummaa koloneeffataa Itiphiyaatti dabarsitan, cubbuu guddaa ofitti diinomuu kanarraa deebitanii ABO isa dhugaa bilisummaa Oromoo argamsiisuuf qabsaa'u faana akka hiriirtan gootonni Oromoo qarooma qaban waamicha isiniif laatu.Mana Oromoo waarra diigaaa jiran waliin diiguun maal godha? Qabsoon Oromoo ayidiyoolojii mataa isaa qaba. Siyaasa Oromoo warri hinbaratin, ayidiyoolojii yookaan yaad-mayaa Itophiyummaa, Alabaabaa tokkoof biyya tokko fannifatanii warra kan jala hiriiru filtattu taanaan filannoon kan kessani, seenaan garuu murtee ishee ni laatti. Murna Jiijiirama kessa warri jiran kan akka Abbaa Biyyaafaa, namicha qaamaan guddaa yaadaan xiqqaa kan dhiyoo kana ofumaa OPDOtti dhaqee harka kennate, "gaaffiin Oromoo deebii gahaa argate" jechuudhaan gochaa diinummaa dangaa hinqabne saba isaanirratti hojetaa jiru.

Osoo Ebla 2008 kessa Oromoonni dhibboota hedduun Oromiyaa lixaafi Kabarratti ajjeefamuu, osoo manni hidhaa Oromoon guutamee jiru, osoo Oromoon qee'eesaarraa yoomiyyuu caalaa buqqa'aa jiruu, osoo beelli ummata keenya addatti akka tasiisafi baalaa harcaasaa jiru, osoo maatiin diigamaa jiru, osoo beektonni, bartoonni,artistoonn qoteebultoonni, daldaltoonni Oromoo dhiboota hedduun lakkaa'aman hidhaatti guramanii dararamaa jiranuu, kun ajjeefamaa jiranuu, garaa maalitiin namni Oromoof yaadu tokko "Gaaffiin Oromoo deebii argatee jira," jedhee hasa'a? Ani kana Qamar Yusuufi Abbaa Biyyaarraa yoo ta'e malee namoota bilchaatoo biroo irraa hineegu. Namni qaamaan guddaa ta'uu mala, kessi isaa garuu offaa, duuwwaa ta'uus ni danda'a. Karaa irra deemnufi itti gala keenya kan filannu osoo ittigala keenya bira hinga'ini. Goototi Oromoo kan loolaan garreen Oromiyaafi laggeen Ormiyaa kessatti kufanii kuffisan, kan akka Laggasaa Wagiifaaf seenaan Oromoo iddoo olaanaa qabdiifi, duuni isaantis jireeya--Ormiyaan isaan jaalatti, ekeraan saanii yoomu bilisummaafi ni iyya. Umnoota gantoota 'jijjiirama' jedhanii of waamaniif seenaan Oromoo iddoo hinqabdu. Peennaan Oromoo qalma hinmirgistuufi, sammuun qaroota keenya wa'ee gantoota hinyaaddu. Kanaafidha, ani umnoota jiijjiiramaafaa, OPDOfaa, umnoota Itoophiyaa moofaaf dhabbatan faa adda godhee kanan hinilaalle. Yaada kana immoo Oromoonni miliyoona hedduun naa waliin qooddatu--shakkii tokollee hinqabu.

Murnoota kana jala warri hiriiran, sababiin isaanii dantaa mataa ofii guuttachuu, ABO dhugaati namni naan jedha jedhanii sodachuudhaan orma gammachiisuuf fiiguu, darbee darbees immoo murnoonni kuni Orommummaa tokkollee dhiganis ta'e yaadaan kan of kessaa hinqabne ta'anii mul'atu. Kana ija jabaatanii dubbachuunifi umna Oromoof dhaabbate ABO isa ganamaa kan kayyoo dhaabbata qabu jala hiriiruu. ABO inni dhugaa akkuma Profeesar Oromoo kabajaamaan Asffaa Jaaltaa dhiyoo kna barreessan, isa Oromoof dhiiga jirudha, isa Oromoo dhiigsaa jiru miti. Isa Oromoo saamee samsisaa jiruu miti. ABOn dhugaa kuni dhadhabina mataa isaa qabaachuu danda'a, qabasi dhugaa dubbachuudhaaf, garuu dadhabinni jiru marii ummataatin of jijjiirufi dhimmoota komeen irratti dhiyaachaa jiru deebisuu ni danda'a. Qabsoon kamiyyuu kan hudaa'u sagantaa siyaasa fedhii saba tokkoo guuturratti yoo ta'e, "dhaaba Oromoo isa kamtu sagataa siyaasaa kan Oromonni itti amananiif fedhan qaba?" jennee of gaafachuu qabna. Sagantaawwan kanas hojirra oolchurratti dadhabina jiru qeequniifi fuulduratti adeemuun saba gananii kophaa kaachurra waan filatamaadha.Qeerransoo Biyyaa,

Qeereensoo Biyyaa
Mudde 10, 2008

THE LINK BETWEEN ETHNO-CENTRIC MINORITY RULE AND CORRUPTION; THE

Professor Seid Hassan, Murray State University
November 24, 2008
"Nobody Made A Greater Mistake Than He Who Did Nothing Because He Could Only Do a Little.” -Edmund Burke

INTRODUCTION

Many observers, including those members of the Diaspora community who visit their homeland,
Ethiopia, have observed that the level of corruption in Ethiopia is so unprecedented that it defies
common sense. The outright theft that is going on in the country has many dimensions, which
are: 1) economic - as exemplified by the deep involvement of the TPLF in the Ethiopian
economy and its ability to completely monopolize each sector of the country’s economy using its
controlled oligarchs.i Not only the TPLF was able to hijack the so-called privatization process
and “buy” the previously government owned enterprises at throw away prices but the organized
and corrupt officials were also able to appoint themselves as owners and CEOs of the same
conglomerates. 2) Political - due to the fact that those who are at the top of the political power
continue to enrich themselves while at the same time suppressing those who object the looting.
They have accomplished this by denying them any political space and wiping out the already
weak independent media. Mr. Meles also continues to use his absolute power and selectively
prosecute his political enemies in order to cover-up the criminal behavior committed by the
TPLF and its allies. Of course, Mr. Meles also throws into jails a handful of his collaborators as
scapegoats whenever he feels threatened or he becomes too embarrassed by their excesses. 3)
Legal - due to Meles’s and his cronies’ use of and changes of the legal codes to both enrich
themselves and attack their political opponents with tramped-up charges. 4) Social and cultural
– due to, among other things, the instigation of ethnic and religious-based conflicts by the
ethnocentric clique. Most importantly, the embezzlement is so commonplace that it is changing
the culture and the way of life in the country. For example, it is not uncommon for the layman in
the streets of Addis Ababa or elsewhere to hear him say out-loud, that it has become impossible
for anyone in the country to make a decent living without being a part of the corruption process.
It is not uncommon to hear the traffic policeman boasting to a minibus driver that his police
badges and hats can garner more revenue than he does, while at the same time telling the driver
to meet him at a designated place where the bribing would take place. These are daily incidents
that friends of mine and I have observed in the streets of Addis Ababa. Unfortunately, such
practices seem to have badly affected the minds of those who are deeply involved in the rampant
corruption to the extent that they have come to believe that their involvement in the corruption
process is normal and part of their booty. 5) Military – due to the fact that the military wing that
is controlled by Mr. Zenawi- the Agazi killer squad - has intensified its intimidation, killings,
terror, disappearance of people, and mass-arrests, especially after the 2005 election. The
military’s involvement in the contraband and business sector, especially around the border areas
also shows how the entire system has become so corrupt. How lethal the Agazi killer squad
could be is proved not only by its senseless killings of peaceful protesters after the 2005 election
but the military’s willingness to burn the entire villages and wipe out the civilian population in
order to fight the militants of the Ogadeni region. Information coming out of Meles’s circle
indicates that, sensing that different gorilla type of fighters maybe propping up in many parts of
the country, Meles is now in the process of assembling many more similar Agazi-type killer
squads which will be used to immediately attack and burn villagers who may be susceptible to
harboring them. My sources also indicate that Meles continues to reconstitute the military
command by appointing those who go along with his ethnocentric beliefs and those who enjoy
the pillaging.

The purpose of this article is three-fold: 1) to show the potential fallouts of this mafia-type
corruption which could is manifested by increased misery and migration of people; the
continuous sinking of the Ethiopian economy to the ground; and the increased polarization of
the society which may culminate to an ethnic-based warfare; 2) to explain the basis of the
unprecedented corruption using the propositions and hypotheses advanced by other experts in the economics field and myself;ii and 3) to raise the awareness of and remind Ethiopians and those of Ethiopian origin, as well as those who care about that country that not only the rampant
corruption is here to stay and is deeply rooted in a minority ethnic-based administration, but
every indication also suggests that it will intensify, with its potential to completely destroy the
social fabric of that society and the country itself. I call upon the foreign enablers of this
oppressive click that it is their moral duty to do the right thing- not only deny the regime their
support but also put pressure on it so that it would respect the rule of law and human rights.

Those of us who know the level of misery in each village of the country, albeit the EPRDF’s lies
of continuous double-digit economic growth, know and strongly believe that Ethiopia is on the
brink of catastrophe, albeit slowly but surely, that we have never seen before. This increased
misery, some of it already being manifested by unheard of migration of people, will spill over to
neighboring countries and the rest of the world. The organized crime culture and the squalor
created by the TPLF economic policies are now dangerously manifesting in such a way that the
relatively young population of that country is acting against its own interests. For example,
imitating their political leaders and forced by the misery they are in, it is now common to see
thieves steeling public property at night and selling them back to the TPLF-owned businesses
during day time. Putting such thievery scenarios in motion, one would not be mistaken to that
such a creeping lawlessness and misery would lead to the already failed state, Ethiopia, to be like
that of its neighbor, Somalia. With such a scenario, Ethiopia could become a breeding ground for
terrorist activities and piracy. I believe it is about time to recognize the fact that the TPLF’s
terror and lawlessness will breed more terror and lawlessness. Of course, neglecting this fact will
result for the world at large to pay for it, as it is now evident with the phenomenon currently
existing in Somalia!

I especially would like to call upon all Ethiopians and all those of Ethiopian origin, to recognize
this fact and do their utmost before things become worse. I call upon all of you to think about
what you can do to fight this monkey of rampant corruption off the back of the poor Ethiopian
people. We have come up with one way that you can do your part I explain at the end of this
write-up.

THE LINK BETWEEN MINORITY ETHNIC GROUP RULE AND CORRUPTION

When it comes to the sub-Saharan Africa in which Ethiopia is a part, experts who studied the
effects of corruption agree on two things: that both corruption and the study of it are on the rise.
There is also an increasing consensus among empirical researchers that corruption has a
significant negative impact on economic growth. Most importantly, experts also agree that the
level of corruption within some countries, such as Ethiopia, is so ubiquitous, so rampant, and so
endemic that it may even determine their survival. Because of this fact, one may ask; “Why is
corruption so bad in countries such as Ethiopia?”

When one looks at the degree of corruption that exists in some of the sub-Saharan African
countries, one can easily observe that the countries which are highly affected by high corruption
crimes seem to be fractionalized among many ethnic groups. One can, therefore, hypothesize that the rise and the endemic nature of corruption is highly correlated with ethnic fractionalization and ethnic-based-politics, the latter being the cause of the former. Since some of these countries which have been highly affected by corruption are ruled by a minority ethnic group, a corollary to the same hypothesis is that ethnic-based politics localizes corruption and makes it intractable to both detect and manage.

I submit to the reader, therefore, that, looking at it in this framework, we can easily explain both
the endemic and intractable nature of the corruption scourge that exists in Ethiopia. Here are
some of the characteristics of a government ruled by a minority ethnic group, nearly all of them
being applicable to the Ethiopian situation:
1. As Etienne B. Yehoue from the World Bank and Banerjee et al theorize and empirically
found, a political process based on ethnocentrism creates regional kingmakers who claim
to represent the interests of their ethnic groups. Such a scenario allows them to rally
behind all of those who belong to the same ethnic group creating a sense of rivalry among
ethnic groups. The society as whole gets highly polarized, thereby creating a sense of
cohesiveness within each ethnic group. In the process, each member of the ethnic group
becomes myopic in the sense that it is blindfolded to look beyond its own ethnic entities.
Such a scenario not only creates uninformed voters but it also allows regional
kingmakers to insulate each other from their corruption activities. Since the state is
divided among the corrupt regional kingmakers, it is incapable of fighting the corruption
scourge. The autonomy given to the smaller regional kingmakers also prevents the state
from interfering in their local affairs. As a result, a political process, which is based on
“you scratch my back and I will scratch yours”, becomes the norm rather than the
exception. The top kingmaker always tries to reward the regional kingmakers by allowing
them to stay in power as long as the kingmaker at the top is allowed to do whatever he
wants. Such a scenario creates veto power to the top kingmaker, thereby allowing him to
leverage his ill-gotten gains. As Yehoue stated it, in the process, ethnicity becomes a
“rent-extracting technology that fosters a highly politicized administration and
widespread corruption.” Since the state is weakened, its ability to adopt growth
enhancing policies is weakened as well. In the process, nationalist parties are
overwhelmed by regional king-makers resulting in rent-seeking behaviors and widespread
corruption.
2. Even though ethnic-based fractionalized rule brings with it a localization of officials, it
also promotes personalism. But, as Tanzi argues, personalism reduces professionalism
which breeds corruption since officials would have to pay greater attention to individual
citizen’s needs. In the process, the public interest is neglected and even disregarded.
Ethnic-based rules also foster a greater influence of interest groups and lobbying at the
local level, thereby increasing the tenure of incumbents who happen to enjoy unethical
relationships. Such localized corruption activities become intractable in that they allow
local kingmakers to collude with the local media and auditing agencies.

3. Ethnically based localization has also the potential to distract competition by awarding
contracts and business licenses to only ethnically based firms. Powerful local leaders
could also encourage and be involved in perpetual rent-seeking behaviors. They tend to
serve narrow interests with diminished accountability to national interests. Since
powerful ethnic lords have the potential to rebuff any accountability, and because power
is decentralized, it would be very difficult to fight corruption. Moreover, ethnic divisions
increase patronage thereby reducing the efficiency of public services. Ethnocentric
leaders foster the fragmentation of resources which are vital to the national interests.
4. When it comes to economic development, the economics literature suggests that ethnic
fractionalization and low quality institutions are highly correlated. And highly fractured
and ethnically fractionalized societies are prone to increased polarization, violent
conflicts and zero-sum game activities. Lack of social cohesion due to ethnic groupings
negatively affects institutions and therefore economic growth. Such a situation is also
counterproductive to foreign direct investment and international business.
5. As Alesina, Baqir and Easterly (1999), argue, ethnocentrism exploits already existing
heterogeneity and attempts to raise the low tastes or preferences, such as suspicion and
gossips, of different ethnic groups. By creating and intensifying rivalry between different
ethnic groups and regions, it is prone to under-provide local public goods either by
generating unfocused lobbying (i.e., every group wants different local public goods, or
local public goods physically located in different places), and as a result no agreement is
reached on which goods should be provided, and none, or fewer, are provided. Additional
characteristic of ethnocentric leaders is their attempts to exploit the unwillingness of
some community members to fund social services that will benefit members of other
groups. They just try to carve out the biggest slice of “their own” group in the process.
6. Ethno-centric governments provide relatively very low security, health care, education,
and local infrastructure, because, due to being highly splintered and localized, they lack
the capacity to garner unified sums of funds. With ethnic and religious conflicts in full
force, the ruling party is unable to create a common security. In all likelihood, an ethnocentric
administration is blinded by hatred and ethnocentric phobia. As a result, it is
incapable of addressing or solving a crisis. Instead, it intensifies polarization. Obviously,
not only a polarized society becomes engaged in a totally useless zero-sum-game, but the
results of the game are highly unfair to the poor. When the same zero-sum-game
escalates, it even has the potential to be highly destructive!iii At times, especially when
the going becomes tough and the paranoia intensifies, such regimes use collective
punishment, as it is evident by the use of the economic deprivation practices that are
applied on the people of the Ogaden region.
7. A minority administration is predisposed to spur militarization due to security fears. The
kingmaker, especially the one who represents a minority ethnic group is always afraid, to
the point of being filled with paranoia, of being overtaken by other and possibly bigger
ethnic groups. To overcome his fears, he tries to bring in other paranoid minority and
5
oppressed ethnic groups. And one thing that the kingmaker and other minority groups
have in common is their fear of the one-man-one-vote principle.
8. Kingmakers and their henchmen make relentless efforts to create mistrust among the
different ethnic groups and within the general populous and exacerbate the already
existing confusions among dominant groups. They do it, as it is evident in Ethiopia, by
controlling the commanding heights at any cost, such as having full control of the
national economy, the army and the media outlets. Such control allows them to
countervail their weak legitimacy and inferiority. Moreover, ethnocentric thinking causes
ethnocentric people to make wrong assumptions about other people whom they think
“don’t belong to them.”Such wrong assumptions are spread to the rest of other ethnic
groups and, from here on, suspicion and fear of the others feed each other, thereby
intensifying the potential onset of ethnic-based wars.

9. It has been provided with main sources of growth, by the authoritarian government, by a
poorly developed press, by ill-informed public, by lack of democratic tradition, which
alone can provide checks and balances in the exercise of power by government.
10. All of the above inhibit the macroeconomic performances of a country. Ethnic divisions
are bad on economic growth since they decrease the efficacy of macroeconomic policies
and trust. By increasing mistrust, ethnic divisions are anti-democratic in nature. As
Collier (1998) states: Ethnic based politics is an identity politics and hence is blinded to
see the common good in a macro sense. An identity politics, according to Collier,
reminds voters about differences and hence builds less social capital. Collier says that an
ethnically divided society gains more from democracy than a homogeneous one since the
former needs more dispute resolutions and cooperation. Unfortunately, ethnically
fractured societies and ethnic-based ruling work against the rule of law and democracy.

A CONCERN TO SHARE: CATASTROPHE IN THE MAKING!

If you really look at the economic situations of the country, including the abject poverty
of people, the continuous starvation and misery, the recurring droughts, the shortages of foreign
exchange, the rampant inflation rates, the trade and budget imbalances, the constant power
outages that are taking place in all cities, the lack of access to clean water, the dire situation of
health care and the HIV/AIDS epidemic, the impacts of the continuous deforestation as well as
the wind and water erosions accompanying it, the proportion of the population that is underage,
the level of unemployment/underemployment (some speculating it to be over 70%), etc., you
would conclude that the country is on the brink of collapse and financial bankruptcy. A recently
published report of the World Bank revealed that Ethiopia is facing governance, trust, and
technical deficits, and its trade deficit is unsustainable.

It is because of these deficits and the constant fear of persecution that the citizens of that country are migrating by the drones. No one would like to leave his/her country unless the situation forces him/her to do so. No one would like to leave their loved ones behind and no one would risk his/her life just to become a super nanny unless the country they live becomes a living hell to them. The impact of this migration will be devastating to the country due to the fact that most Ethiopians who have decided to leave their country are the ones who happen to be the relatively young and educated. As we all know, the TPLF’s harassment, coercion and intimidation of the intellectual community has forced a good portion of them to leave their country, thereby making Ethiopia to become increasingly brainless. Since those who leave the country are also the relatively young and energetic, the loss of the relatively productive citizens will torment Ethiopia in the years to come.

Add to all of these the impact of the financial and economic meltdown of the world economy and the projected fall of commodity prices such as coffee. All of these problems and the current and future food shortages and the misallocation of resources would lead you to think that, not only the future of that country is at stake but you would think that something would happen, sooner or later. Knowing this to be the case, even the dictatorial regime of Meles Zenawi is known to have feared an implosion to take place. I even read a report just a few weeks ago that, fearing such an implosion, the regime had hired foreign nationals who would advise it on how to stave off public anger and potential implosion. One indication of this is seen by the regime’s quick importation of several hundred tons of wheat and rationing it to major cities. The regime bought the wheat, in an expedited manner, in the open market, and possibly paying exorbitant prices, despite the fact that the country is facing an alarming level of foreign exchange shortages and being warned by both the IMF and the World Bank about the consequences of the country’s too low foreign exchange reserves.

Moreover, I don’t know if this rumor is true or not, but let me also share with you a
recent Addis Ababa street talk: Once the starvation that they regime was hiding for more than a
year became public, Mr. Meles and his advisors were so worried that they had to discuss on how
to stave off the potential public revolt. Towards the end of their discussions, people who are
familiar to the story indicated, Mr. Meles told his advisors and security men that they did not
have to worry about the opposition parties, for he either has gotten them by their necks and/or he knows how to divide them thereby making them ineffectual. He rather told them to worry about the potential revolt from the public that has been disaffected by the abject poverty and starvation.

If this is indeed true, and I don’t doubt it at all, his statements are tantamount to an indictment to the failures of the opposition parties and a challenge from Meles to them as well!
The arguments that I listed above are intended to show that a minority-led government is
prone to corruption and social destruction. It is my contention that these corruption crimes
committed by the mafia type clique, which are made worse by the release of the mean-spirited
video which I discussed in my previous write-up, have become a clan type of evil yeasts that are
fermenting hatred. As those who are involved in the corruption scourge have said it several
times, every indication suggest that their “in your face, we will continue doing what we have
been doing” will continue. Again, many experts who looked at the level of corruption in Ethiopia
and the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa clearly show that this disease could be the bane of the
continent. After carefully looking into this matter regarding Ethiopia, I have truly fear not only
the corruption scourge would challenge the survival of that country, but it could also become the
most important element that will challenge the survival of the EPRDF as we know it. The
tensions which became evident during and after the recently concluded EPRDF congress are
testimonies to this contention. Unfortunately, Mr. Meles’s announcement, done somewhat
abruptly at end of the EPRDF congress, that the “status quo is maintained indicates that those
who are highly immersed in the corruption process have the upper hand, at least for now. It
shows that this evil, that is, the rampant corruption, would not go away unless we all begin to do
our part to fight it. We cannot just wish evil like this to go away and be done with it! Moreover,
both common sense and empirical evidence indicates that the best way to fight corruption is by
exposing the scourge itself! That is why we all need to cooperate from here on. My collaborators
and I have taken the lead towards this effort. We plan to document all the corruption crimes
committed by this regime and expose it to the world. At the end of the day, we hope to make the
corrupt officials accountable to their crimes.

A CALL FOR DUTY:

We, therefore, ask you to document all of those corruption related crimes, past or present, and
send them to us. And you can do it unanimously- by using a name that no one else knows other
than yourself and/or creating an alias email address. Even if you decided to use your real name
and email address, we guarantee that it will remain confidential.
We also guarantee to assemble all of the information and present our documentation to the
Ethiopian people and the world at large. We will immediately begin categorizing the corruption
crimes by:
􀂃 Grand corruption types: This may take the form of government purchasing goods and
services at an inflated price because some of the money is going into the pockets of
senior officials - either political or bureaucratic. Grand corruption takes place in
kickbacks in public works' contracts, etc.
􀂃 State corruption types: This is when the state itself gets corrupt aside from its individual
officials. This takes place when corruption involves the head of state himself and his
cronies. Mobutu Sese Seko fell under this category. So did Nigeria's successive military
dictators. Mobutu did not deny accusations of corruption leveled against. Instead, he tried
to justify it by for example blaming western institutions that corrupted him into it. At one
time, it was reported that when his government was broke, and could not pay salaries,
Mobutu lent it US$5, 000,000, which is a lot of money for a poor country such as Zaire!
􀂃 Electoral Corruption Types: Manipulation of electoral process, the rigging of election
results as it happened to Ethiopia during the 2005 elections; intimidation of the
electorate; irregular and illegal voter registration and candidate and party registration,
party financing (e.g. Lack of disclosure of funding sources), voting and counting,
campaign and media regulations; and
􀂃 Petty corruption Types: such as is often seen on the side of the streets at a police
roadblock

WOULD YOU ANSWER THE CALL?

What else would not motivate you other than the scourge that has subjected the country to
shame, such as the gold scam? What else would not make you angry other than the recent
Tendaho Sugar Factory Project scandals, where Ethiopia was dragged to the Bombay High Court
over unlawful awards of a contract to some TPLF cronies, worth $184.00? What else would not
anger you more than the selling of both our land our children to foreigners? … What else would
not motivate you to do your part if the callousness and meanness theatre that was done at the
Sheraton Hotel did not? As I pleaded to you in my recent write-up regarding the shameful
“fundraising” theatre, we should not allow them to pit us against our Tigrian compatriots
whenever the dictators feel threatened. We rather should tell them, “No, you cannot be a good
kin of the Tigrian people while at the same time instigating hatred against them by spewing your
ethnocentric venom!” We should say to them, “enough is enough- from now on we will not
allow you to continue shamelessly sucking the poor Ethiopian peoples’ blood using your mafiatype of corruption.”

It is about time for you to do your part so that your deeds could assist the people you love. It is
time for action, not just talk!
Here is the email address we want you to use when you send us your reports:
africanstudies@murraystate.edu
N.B.:
1. We are preparing some survey questionnaire regarding the same issue. We hope that you
also will cooperate to fill those questionnaires.
2. The ideas and propositions presented in this article are taken from ongoing research
topics of the writer.
SOURCES USED (LIMITED)
Alberto Alesina and Eliana La Ferrara [2005], “Ethnic Diversity and Economic Performance,
"Journal of Economic Literature 43: 721-61 (with Eliana La Ferrara).
“The Political Economy of Ethnicity,” by Paul Collier (1998). To be found at:
http://www.worldbank.org/html/rad/abcde/collier.pdf
“Ethnocentric Politics and Reinforcing Psychology in the Ethiopian Context” By Dr.
Ghelawdewos Araia February 25, 2004, to be found at:
http://www.ethiomedia.com/release/ethnocentric_politics.html
“Parochial Politics: Ethnic Competition and Politician Corruption in India”
Abhijit V. Banerjee and Rohini Pande. To be found at
http://www9.georgetown.edu/faculty/gg58/politician.pdf
E. J. Graff: “The Lie We Love- the Adoption Racket: Inside the Sad Trade and Foreign Babies.”
Foreign Policy, November/December 2008, pp. 58-66.
William Easterly and R. Levine [1997], “Africa's Growth Tragedy: Policies and Ethnic
Divisions,"Quarterly Journal of Economics CXII (4), 1203-1250.
“Ethnic Diversity, Democracy, and Corruption” by Etienne B. Yehoue IMF Working Paper
WP/ 07/218, September 2007. To be found at:
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2007/wp07218.pdf
Tanzi, Vito (1995): “Fiscal Federalism and Decentralization: A Review of Some Efficiency and
Macroecoomic Aspects”, Annual World Bank Conference on Development Economics,
pp.295-316.
Tanzi, Vito, and Hamid Davoodi (1997): “Corruption, Public Investment, and Growth”, IMF
Working Paper 97/139, Washington: International Monetary Fund.
Tanzi, Vito (1998). Corruption around the World – Causes, Consequences, Scope and Cures.
IMF Staff Papers, Vol. 45, No.4 (December), pp. 559-594.
“Ethnic Politics and the Cracks in the Dry Ground of the TPLF,” by Messay Kebede, PhD,
University of Dayton, Ohio. To be found at:
http://www.ethiopians.com/Views/mesaykebede_on_ethnicpolitics.htm
The World Bank: Various online sources.

To Set the Record Straight

Statement of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) Regarding VOA Interview on Negotiations
with the TPLF Regime

In an interview with the Voice America Amharic Service, and also reported by the Afaan Oromoo Service, on November 14, 2008, Rev. Ittafaa Goobanaa, as Representative of the Oromo Elders, stated, among others, that the OLF has accepted, in principle, the TPLF/EPRDF (Ethiopian) Government’s Constitution, to negotiate a peaceful resolution of “the political differences” between the two. The OLF is compelled to respond to the issues raised in this interview to set the record straight. To begin with the OLF has a clear and standing policy regarding negotiations with the TPLF regime. It is true that in January 2008, the OLF delegation met with the Oromo Elders group, in the presence of a third party observer and facilitator, in Amsterdam, the Netherlands.

The OLF Delegation went into the discussion with these elders respecting the traditional position of elders in our society without questioning the motive, the identity or the feasibility of their project. All the OLF Leadership’s contacts with the Oromo elders were conducted in the presence of a third party facilitator. The OLF delegation has made clear to the elders the OLF’s long standing policy of negotiation with the TPLF regime (Ethiopian Government) among which is that no precondition should be attached to it.

It is also true that the Oromo Elders Group presented to the OLF delegation their proposal to the OLF and the Ethiopian Government to enter into negotiation. The presented proposal requires the OLF, among others, to “Accept, in principle, the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.” After an extensive discussion, the OLF Leadership delegation agreed, despite clear contravention of the earlier understanding and its policy, to present the proposal to the OLF Executive Committee (EC) and communicate its decision to the Oromo Elders Group, via the facilitator, in two weeks. This was the only promise that the OLF leadership delegation made to the Oromo Elders Group.

Accordingly, the Elders’ proposal was presented to the OLF EC. On February 26, 2008, the OLF EC communicated, via the facilitator, its decision to the Oromo Elders Group that the OLF will not accept any precondition to enter into negotiation with the TPLF regime, as this will contravene its policy. The OLF EC’s decision, communicated to the OLF Elders Group stated that, “this latest Elders’ proposal asking the OLF ‘to accept the Ethiopian Constitution’ is once again in contrary and contradiction to the above mentioned understanding within which the OLF entered into discussion with you.” Furthermore, the OLF EC restated the long standing policy of the OLF pertinent to the peace negotiation with Ethiopian Government and informed the Oromo Elders Group that, “The OLF-EC, therefore, reiterates its commitment to dialogue without precondition in the presence of third party.”

On March 7, 2008, the Oromo Eluders Group Representative sent a letter to the Chairman of the OLF and confirmed the receipt of the above mentioned letter of February 26, 2008, and requested for “a face-to- face meeting” between the Elders Group and the OLF Leadership. The requested “face-to-face meeting” did not take place to date, as it was not necessary to enter into discussion on the OLF’s position with the elders. The above is the whole truth.

The interview on the VOA seems to convey that the OLF delegation agreed to the precondition
and, also fails to inform the audience that the OLF EC has accordingly responded to the proposal on time. We implore our elders to adhere to the established tradition of Oromo elders and safeguard the reputation of that respected institution.

Victory to the Oromo People!
Oromo Liberation Front
November 15, 2008

Oromo Nationalist and Prisoner Mesfin itana In Danger of Losing His Life

Save Mesfin Itana!:
Oromo Nationalist and Prisoner Mesfin Itana In Danger of Losing His Life

(OLF News (October 23, 2008): Mr. Mesfin Itana was arrested from his home 6 years ago accused of having link to the bombing of Tigrai Hotel in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa). Since then he is reported to have been brutally tortured and beaten on a regular basis in the notorious Kalitti prison, as a result of which he now incurred a fatal illness and he is currently on the verge of death. Caused by infections due to the constant torture and a severe malnourishment in a prolonged detention of over six years, it is reported that Mr Mesfin Itana is subjected to two surgeries of his reproductive organ in just one month. The Wayyaanee “ health professionals” later claimed to have made mistakes in the first two surgeries and reportedly tried to make a third one. Feared for his life, Mr Mesfin Itana refused the third surgery of his reproductive organ, and is now in a critical condition.

It is to be noted that one of the torturing methods of the current regime is to hang a bottle of water on the men’s reproductive organ (testicle) and leaving there for a long time causing a severe pain. The idea is to force the victims of the torture “confess the crime” they claim the prisoners have committed and have the victims solicit the names of other Oromo individuals who they think may have participated in the said crime. However, more often, when victims are unable to stand the brutal torture, they simply tell the names of their friends and relatives to get a temporary relief from the severe pain. One such incident is, when an Oromo farmer was asked what kind of weapons he hid in his area, he listed to the TPLF agents all kinds of weapons he knew. But the TPLF cadres are never satisfied, and they continued asking the farmer “what else”? Then the farmer responded that he buried a tank in his backyard. Such is the result of blind brutal torture.

Meanwhile, the beating and torture of Mr Mesfin Itana continued even when he is severely ill, inflicting a deadly wound on his forehead, and he is forced to have three other surgeries on his head just recently. Consequently, Mr Mesfin Itana is on the verge of losing his life in prison, just as so many Oromo prisoners died in Kalitti detention center and many other jails in Oromia and elsewhere in the Empire.

It is to be recalled that several Oromo prisoners such as Mesfin Mosisa, Wako Tola, university students Alemayehu Gerba, Gadisa Hirphasa, Morkata Iddosa, and many other Oromo prisoners lost their lives in detention centers in exactly the same situation as a result of an unbearable beating and torture. Our reporters from Finfinnee alarmed that Mr Mesfin Itana will very likely lose his life soon in the hands of TPLF/Wayyaanee forces.

All Oromo nationals living in Oromia and abroad have been urged to appeal to humanitarian, governmental and non-governmental organizations to save the life of Mr Mesfin Itana and thousands of other Oromo prisoners suffering in several detention centers under Meles Zenawi regime.

For most humans the worst thing they fear is death. But for many Oromo nationals the worst thing they fear, even more than death, is falling in the hands of TPLF beasts who do not have the slightest sympathy not only for any Oromo individual’s life but also for their suffering. Mr Mesfin Itana and many Oromo nationalists who fell in the hands of TPLF forces are simply peaceful civilians who have had unlucky day of being at the wrong place at the wrong time.


OLF News (October 23, 2008
oromiannews@yahoo.com

Chronic Authenticity and Integrity Deficits in "Ethiopian" Political Oroganizations

In this article, I will accomplish one simple task of showing how political organizations which prefix the words "Ethiopia´´ and "Unity" to their names engage in conspiracy and counter- conspiracy campaigns against others who do not have those prefixes. This is the anti-thesis of their ostensible goals of bringing about unity, democracy and justice in Ethiopia. It is worthwhile to do so because these political organizations are spreading confusion and misinformation to the international community as well as to the nations and nationalities they claim to represent. These confusions and the divisions within Ethiopian political organizations have made it difficult to create a viable and genuine alliance between organizations representing different groups. It has also made it difficult for donors, the international community and continental supporters to rally behind these organizations.


Who are the organizations and how do they suffer from authenticity deficits? Political organizations suffering from chronic authenticity and integrity deficits include the ruling Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Front (EPRDF), the defunct Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), the newly formed Andnet Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP). These organizations deliberately bear the prefixes "Ethiopia" and "Unity", with the intention of creating a misleading impression of how widely they embrace all the nations and nationalities in Ethiopia. Practically, they do not do that. They are divisive and they stand for partisan interests of Tigrayan and Amhara nationalists. For any insider, including the founders and members, it is obvious that these political organizations stand not for all the people in Ethiopia, but for the Abyssinian tribes.


EPRDF conspiracies against oppositionsAt the nucleus of the EPRDF is the TPLF, which controls all branches of government in favor of Tigrayan nationals through its rubber-stamp parliament. The ruling party has conspired against major oppositions and has been able to infiltrate and destroy them. The CUD was destroyed in this way, for example. CUD was a strong Amhara political organization. It portrayed itself as ´the party of all Ethiopian peoples´ in the eyes of the international community before it was infiltrated and damaged. The ruling party forced major oppositions from Afar, Oromia, Somalia, Southern Nations and Nationalities Gambella, Benishangul Gumuz, demanding for freedom and autonomy into exile or into armed liberation fronts. Examples of those forced into armed rebellion include the OLF, ONLF and many others.It is a wide- spread phenomenon that the regime calls peaceful and non-peaceful dissident organizations "anti-people forces, anti –development forces, anti –peace forces and even sometimes ´terrorists´ and narrow nationalists". These defamatory names for organizations genuinely naming themselves after the national groups they represent became justifications for arbitrary violence against the majority of the country´s population (80%), inhabiting seven regional states.


The awareness on the part of the international community seems to be increasing in identifying the EPRDF as political party that represents one group, instead of the whole Ethiopia. However, EPRDF imposts that it standing for Ethiopia´s national interest. Opposition conspiracies against other oppositions When coming to the Amhara-controlled opposition parties such as CUD, UDJP, Ginbot 7 (Gurage-controlled) and so on I cannot deny that they are opposition parties. And there is nothing wrong for Amharas or Guraghes or any nationals to establish and own political parties in their national´s name, but the problem with these parties is they have "unity" and "Ethiopia" prefixes before their names to create an a dangerously misleading impression that they stand for everybody else in Ethiopia. Their compositions do not reflect nationality representations of peoples from the 8 other regional states in Ethiopia. They are really Amhara or Gurage groups and their leaders must learn to face this reality and act accordingly.


The idea of having article 39 in the Federal Ethiopian constitution is totally unacceptable to these parties, who operate under the camouflages of "unity" and "Ethiopia". If they have chances, they will burn down the constitution and redraw the maps of the federal states in Ethiopia. These parties have dangerous ideas of homogenizing the diverse nations and nationals in Ethiopia. Ethnic Amhara´s controlled real political power until 1991, but from 1991 they have been relegated to a position of influential hegemonic power. They still wield influential hegemonic powers in public and private institutions in Ethiopia under the Tigrayan government. But they want to restore themselves to the position of influence they once held for too long if possible by conspiracies, mischiefs and pretention that they represent the whole Ethiopia. This is, of course, a big fantasy given the current high level of political enlightenment in the repressed regional states in Ethiopia. Even the EPRDF knows this and will not let them move a step to real power. We have seen that in the March 2005 General Elections in which Amharas through CUD very strongly challenged Tigre literally. They need to wake up from the dishonesty and illusion they live in and join other forces by genuinely speaking what and who they stand for- the Amhara or Guraghe interest.


There is a huge rivalry and mistrust between opposition parties in Ethiopia. Even if they succeed to destroy the ruling party, afterwards they will be forced to fight each other in the streets before some powerful group takes power by force. This is a totally undemocratic scenario we are used to in many Ethiopian revolutions. This is because of the deep mistrust among political parties, arising from the lack of genuine purposes for democracy and freedom that take into account the diversity and the need to come together by maintaining their differences and particularity. Often, opposition parties are happier about the other party´s destruction, infiltration by government or split in the ranks of oppositions. For instance, many political parties rejoiced when the CUD was infiltrated and destroyed after the 2005 elections, and this year there has been a split in the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the other side is happy about it. And this cycles of hatred between oppositions seem to always repeat themselves. More often than not, Ethiopian oppositions are observed to challenge one another instead of challenging the government. Well, the OLF has also a number of problems that it needs to hammer out in its leadership to continue leading the Oromo people. Introspectively, many authors have written about the problems within the OLF and I will not repeat it here. The political cultures within and between political parties need to improve greatly if genuine freedom and democracy have to happen. Ethiopian political organizations hate each other bitterly and they do not even want to come to a table to discuss in order to reach national consensus at this point when the whole country is at multiple cross-roads. They do not invite one another to a common conference.

They write about one another on websites negatively, and they use other media to campaign against each other. Especially, those hiding under the old "Ethiopianist´ ideology of socially, religiously, linguistically and geographically homogenizing the country campaign against the struggles of Ogadenia, Oromia, Afar, SNNP, Benishangul Gumuz etc just because they identified themselves truly after the their states and nationals/tribes.Amhara political organizations with the prefixes "Ethiopia and Unity" hate to see article 39 of the Ethiopian constitution. Article 39 provides for self-determination of nations and nationalities up to secession. Their motives are to dissolve the regional states and to see Ethiopia in a form of an empire that forces people into homogenization. Tigrayan political parties like the EPRDF and the TPLF are not opposed to article 39 but they do not want its implementation but they use it to amplify divisions and to control the country by force. ERDF/TPLF does not also like the motives of Amhara political organizations because Tigrayans were also oppressed by previous regimes dominated by the Amhara elites. After coming to power in 1991, the Tigrayans forgot that they suffered injustices and oppression and started to oppress other people. The cycle goes on until there is an arrangement to ensure everyone is represented. Consequences of conspiracy and dishonesty. We have already seen the consequences of the politics of dishonesty and conspiracy, leading to a deep mistrust between forces genuinely naming themselves after the peoples they represent and forces abusing the prefixes such as "unity and Ethiopia" only to benefit the groups they come from (<20%). The rest still suffers centrally-imposed injustices.


The second consequence is that these dishonesty and conspiracy makes it impossible for opposition parties to form viable alliances towards freedom and democracy. If there are not strong and genuine alliances, it will be hard to force the EPRDF into political negotiations.


Third, if such dishonesty and conspiracies continue to exist, the international community and donor countries will be confused and misinformed. The confusions and misinformation will definitely lead to donors´ withdrawal of their support for oppositions.


Fourth, the other possible and most severe consequence of such chronic dishonesty, mistrust and conspiracies between political parties and groups is a speedy disintegration of the country itself. With all the serious ideological differences, once that happens, it will be too late reverse.

Qerranssoo Biyyaa
August 29, 2008

On the ongoing conflict within the OLF leadership

On regionalism


Maccaa and Tullamaa are two ethnographic branches of Oromo covering the central and western regions. Despite its location at the center, and its adaptation of only these two segments of the Oromo people for its identification, the Maccaa Tullamaa Self Help Association (MTSHA) was established in the 1960s as the first organized pan-Oromo movement representing and reflecting the entire Oromo people’s interest. It emerged as a result of the first wave of Oromo nationalism of the 50s and 60s at the center, with expanding influence throughout Oromia. The location of this first pan-Oromo association is not surprising since it simply benefitted from the relative concentration of the Oromo middle class in the capital city. Despite its ban and subsequent arrest and killing of MTSHA leaders and members, Oromo nationalism continued growing, giving rise to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in the early 70s. The beginning of Oromo nationalism was narrowly geographic and its continued growth appears to have bubbles as a regionally traversed wave covering the last 3-4 decades. The first such wave stood out in the late 1960s and early 1970s in the east. This wave marked the creation of the first guerilla cells in Carcar. It was a very positive and historical development.


Since then, after the banning of MTSHA, there were also bubbles of Oromo nationalism which appeared here and there. The early waves were embraced by the then existing Oromo nationalism which founded MTSHA as well as the rising nationalist sentiments elsewhere. Hence, there was never equal distribution of nationalism that encompassed all regions of Oromia at any given time. This remains to be one of the challenges of the Oromo struggle.


This uneven progress in the nationalist development has at times negatively influenced the underlying political discourse of Oromia. For example, the bubble of the 1980s was costly since it created a split within the OLF. As a result, not only capable leaders were exposed to enemy fire, but internal clashes eliminated many potential leaders, demoralizing the rising pan-Oromo movement. Part of the bubble eventually linked itself to religion with a serious punch to the pan-Oromo movement and to the OLF. Although the problem was diffused to a great extent, thanks to Oromo elders who played key roles, suspicions and detestations remained for a long time. It is proof that the idea of injecting region or religion for political gains can be long-lasting and harmful. Just as the bitter Senator from New York was forced, some say she did it willingly – to accept her defeat in order to keep the unity of the Democratic Party, one has the right to expect from elites to give up their political ambitions to keep the unity of their people.


But it is important to recognize these political bubbles in Oromia as natural and neutral. They are random political platforms and one should not necessarily characterize them as destructive dynamics of the Oromo movement. The uneven rise of nationalism here or there, even with regional characteristics, is not uncommon. Failure to merge these bubbles to mainstream Oromo nationalism and embrace a constructive course of action to promote Oromo interest makes them destructive. They can be made destructive also if they target inward, or backward. They can be extremely divisive if they link themselves to clan and religious politics. Elites have serious responsibilities to guard the overall interest of the Oromo people. There is a lot at stake here.


On clan politics

The historical influence of clan politics on Oromo unity is an interesting topic. The Gada constituents and the election to the Gada offices had to deal with clan sentiments for the overall good of the Oromo people. Oromo modern politics has a serious challenge of merging clan politics with Oromo nationalist identity. This is a gap that can be easily exploited by political enemies as well as group rivalries. The danger is that, enemy manipulations can be easily exposed. That of group rivalries can not. The use of clan politics to promote group politics is a serious offense that could leave a lasting scar on Oromo unity and history. The penalty that comes as a result of clan agitated politics far outweighs the gain one may expect from a reform that comes at the cost of splitting Oromos to clan tentacles. It leads Oromo politics to great shame. It is harmful but acceptable to split for any political motive; it is a shame to split to feed clan lines, a shame unworthy of the Oromo people. I for one prefer no change at all than a change that leaves a clan out or collects only one clan in to a political bunch. Clan politics is a disaster, Somalia par Excellence – the greatest gift to those who wish Oromos ill. It calls for a few days or weeks long retreat from politics so that Oromo elites can all meditate and see the looming danger of their irresponsible actions. Even in politics it is ok to lose sometimes, there is such a thing as winning by losing – losing for a higher cause. It is in this spirit that many Oromos are staying out of this conflict even when they want to voice their version of the truth – to avoid the historic shame. But clan politics is ignorant of the truth; it besmirches the martyrs and belittles the people. How could one be part of clan politics? This psychic itself is sufficiently paralyzing for Oromo struggle. It puts Oromos far below where they thought they are.


On the genesis of the internal clashes of the OLF


Owing to political developments of the last several years, the OLF emerged with three political identities:


On the left, OLF’s ultra-radical members condemn any attempt to negotiate with any Abyssinian organization; leave alone the Tigrean led Ethiopian government. This has been a paralyzing tide for the OLF leadership. In the early 2000s, considerable time and energy was spent needlessly, arguing the merits and demerits of negotiations, interpreting and reinterpreting the very idea of talking to the enemy as violation of the principles of liberation, betrayal of the cause, etc. This leftist tendency may just have been a pretext for power struggle, this I can’t tell. But the leftist arguments readably existed and heavily populated the Oromo internet.
On the right, the OLF is pulled by members who want to drop armed struggle and go into power sharing competition against the TPLF. This matter was a serious agenda both at the 2004 Bergen conference and at the OLF Congress in Eritrea. The group’s motion was defeated by a large majority of the OLF congress. Although the group raises some legitimate concerns and important questions regarding lack of significant progress in the armed struggle, there are no indications that the group has modified its sympathy for the idea of converting the OLF into a legal Ethiopian opposition. I will write more about this below as it relates to the ongoing conflict.
In the middle are the OLF members who are willing to negotiate, but without ever compromising their right to armed struggle.

These three traits of the OLF may be able to walk together, but not run. In fact, failure to segregate these three identities and explain to OLF members and followers is one of the serious neglects of the OLF leadership. In many instances, these internal clashes were deliberately suppressed and the problem tabled, evidently at the cost of tabling progress and victory. Even today most OLF supporters do not understand the source of the conflict; it is only packaged as change. No one is against change that brings success and results. This is not headed that way.


Most of the ultra left dropped out of the OLF some years ago, and have since remained critical of the mainstream OLF without making an outwardly significant impact on the Oromo struggle. The group claims to be the legitimate OLF as now does the rightist group.


The ultra-right emerged openly as a new bubble and a contending force within the OLF in 2004 at the Bergen conference on "Conflict Resolution in the Horn of Africa: A Consultation among Oromo Elders and Leaders with International Scholars". The conference, a consultation as it may be, yielded some new developments which may relate to the current conflict within the OLF.


Apparent from the Bergen discussion was that some members of the OLF openly and clearly argued against the armed struggle accepting Meles’ condition to renounce the armed struggle and become Ethiopia’s legal opposition. This misgiving to the armed struggle was later rearticulated at the OLF congress in Eritrea by the same OLF members who moved the idea in Bergen. The OLF Congress voted the idea down after a heated debate that lasted for several hours. The ongoing conflict within the OLF is led by the same core group which also promoted renouncing armed struggle in order to participate in the Ethiopian elections. In fact, the group’s recent dissociation from the OLF first appeared suspiciously on Ethiopian website, only after hours - obviously a leak by an insider who has vested interest from linkage to the Ethiopian peace politics. Unfortunately it supports the overall motto. Based on events of the last few years, I note that the bubble is predominantly identifiable with the second traits of the OLF. I have not seen sufficient proof to assume that the group has departed from those views expressed at the two major Oromo events. But one must be open to such possibility.




On legal opposition and the OLF’s constitution


I believe legal Oromo opposition within the Ethiopian administration plays a very important role in fighting for the rights of the Oromo people. The Honorable Bulcha Damaksa and the Honorable Marara Gudina are examples of courageous people who cover this dimension of the Oromo struggle. One cannot undermine the wish of those individuals, OLF members or otherwise, who prefer fighting as a legal opposition. However, the OLF raised arms as the ultimate means and backup to the Oromo struggle. The armed option must be central to the very definition of the OLF as the ultimate guard to the only light at the end of the tunnel.


As mentioned above, the ongoing ‘reformists’ have raised some legitimate questions about the lack of sufficient progress in the armed struggle. These are valid issues that should be addressed at the executive or central committee levels, or by the eventual OLF congress. They have ample venues to raise these and all other issues within their organizational responsibilities. Unfortunately, ignoring the bylaws and claiming to take over political power without a due process is more of a coup (successful or not) than a reform. Poor performance that can be corrected democratically does not rise up to a reason worthy of a split. The executive committee can be replaced by a majority vote of the central committee; the central committee can be replaced by the congress. Where is the need for a shortcut and illegal change?


No doubt, the organization must address causes of its poor performance and take appropriate measures to improve its performance. The strength of an organization is rooted on members’ respect and loyalty to its constitution, not to individuals. Otherwise the reason for a split has to be fundamentally ideological – and the only one that comes to mind is the one that calls back Bergen and Eritrea. Why not join Ethiopian forces and wage peaceful opposition politics without burning the bridge? What is the basis or claim under which six OLF executive committee members are ‘fired’ by one executive committee member who claims to take control of the army? How could an OLF army ‘follow’ the one executive committee member who failed to convince the other six elected executive officials? How can one reconcile this with the organization’s constitution to which all officers pledged allegiance? These are unsettling questions; one is comforted by the knowledge that diaspora politics is illusive.



KD

Lencoo Baati and Hassan Hussein Nationalists or Clan Politicians?

Badhaaso Tola and Mohammad Adam


With a great pain we are writing this piece because the fabric of Oromo society is attacked by clan politicians, confused Oromos, and the agents of Tigres. Believing that Leenco Baati and Hassan Hussen were Oromo nationalists who could build bridges between the OLF and the Oromo Diaspora, we expected a lot of contributions from them in promoting Oromo nationalism.

We also thought that they would not compromise Oromo nationalism and confuse it with clan or other politics. So we personally did not oppose when they easily climbed the OLF leadership without experience and without demonstrating their commitment to the Oromo national struggle. We wrongly believed that this would diversify the OLF leadership. Since we are ordinary persons, nobody would hold us accountable for our wrong judgment. The same cannot be true for those who have been leading the OLF, particularly its top dog.


The chairman of the OLF, Dawud Ibssa and his inner circle should have known better. He should have studied these individuals and their collaborators such as the Wayane general, Kamal Galchu, before appointing them in the highest positions in the OLF. The OLF has been built with the blood and bones of Oromo heroes and heroines and should not be entrusted with individuals who did not yet demonstrate their commitment to defend the OLF and the Oromo cause.

For these individuals, the OLF is an opposition political organization that must be used for self-promotion through any means including clan politics. Such selfish individuals did not want to share accountability when the OLF leadership faced political crisis and challenge. Whenever there were successes such individuals were ready to take credit, and whenever there were failures they ran to resign from their positions rather than being accountable for their lack of performance.


Furthermore, they accused the OLF for marginalizing them because of their clan identity. It is amazing to hear that Leenco and Hassan have complained that the Arssi Oromos are marginalized, when both of them have voluntarily stepped down from their highest positions in the OLF leadership. It is also amazing that these two individuals cannot demonstrate what they have produced for the OLF except organizing a clan organization within the OLF.


This clan organization claims to fire the OLF leadership from Minneapolis and to successfully takeover the leadership of this organization. Learning from Amhara and Tigres, they have a few Abba Dulas, Butukan Midheksasis to hide their clan politics. Those few elements who have problems with the OLF leadership express their willingness to side with this group and hurt the Oromo national struggle. There are several agents of Tigres in this conspiratorial group, the Meles government has spent several millions of dollars through its embassies.

When Leenco and Hassen were members of the top leadership of the OLF, they were Oromos and when they left their positions they were victimized Arssis. They have used clan politics to hide their incompetence in fulfilling their leadership obligations and they have been hiding under Oromo nationalism to avoid facing responsibility. As they declared in the Ethiopian Review, these two individuals organized their clan organization to join Ethiopian politics by using the brand name, OLF. They have misused and victimized Arssi Oromos who have suffered under Amhara-Tigre colonialism like other Oromos.


They have mobilized innocent individuals who cannot see beyond clan because of the lack of understanding, former Derg cadres and OPDO agents in communities and cyber-spaces such as paltalk to attack the OLF leadership and Oromos from other areas and to spread the poison of clan politics to turn Oromos against one another. It is disgusting that they have done all these things under the name of Oromo nationalism.


This summer in front of our eyes Leenco Baati and Hassan Hussen declared in Minnesota, MN that they fired the legitimate OLF leadership through a mob action and would lead the Oromo national movement by remote control. They declared that they appointed former Meles general, Kamal Galchu, who fought against the OLF for almost two decades and promoted to this position by killing Oromo nationalists. Kamal was appreciated to run away from the Ethiopian government and to join the OLF. But he did not yet shoot one bullet to promote the Oromo struggle. Before trying to lead the Oromo national movement, he should fight for the Oromo people and prove that he can be an Oromo general.


Promoting Kamal Galchu and attacking those who have given all their lives for the Oromo cause can only be done under clan politics. Clan politics has brought together members of OPDOs and other organizations in attacking the non-Arssi OLF leadership. The mob group in Minnesota claimed that they contributed more than 200,000 dollars this summer. Whey did not this group contribute this much money when they were part of the OLF? Wasn't the OLF their organization then? Was it because their clan men controlled the OLF leadership now, as they claimed, they had to contribute a lot of money? Or Did the TPLF agents' contribute some money to attack the OLF within the organization.


We wonder what would Oromo heroes such as Magarsa Bari, Goota Bobas, Gutama Hawas, Adam Jillo, and Nadhi Gamada say if they were alive. Leenco Baati and Hassan Hussen should have carried on the torch of these heroes rather than using clan politics to fulfill their delusionary dreams. Opportunists, former Derg cadres and OPDOs who did not yet prove themselves through bitter struggle that they are Oromo nationalists cannot be leaders of the Oromo national movement.


However, Dawud is responsible for appointing Kamal in the Oromo Liberation Army; this is morally devastating for OLF commanders such as Furgas Qajeela, Abdata Basire, and Legesee Wagi. How can a person in his right mind put Kamal in such position? How could under the leadership Dawud Ibssa, Leenco and Hassan organize a clan organization within the OLF? Or did not he know the difference between clan politics and Oromo nationalism? Did Dawud make such decisions individually or did he consult experienced Oromo politicians and intellectuals on such matters? Does he lead the OLF individually? If the answers to all these questions are yes, he has created favorable conditions for opportunist infiltrators, enemy agents, and clan politicians.
The OLF is the heart and brain of the Oromo national struggle and it cannot be left to an individual or individuals who cannot understand the complexity of the Oromo national movement. The OLF can be only victories by overcoming leadership arrogance and by embracing humility and an Oromo democratic ethos and by positively managing clan relationships, regional and religious diversity. Lennco Baati, Hassan Hussen and other Oromo leaders should be exposed and criticized for engaging in clan or regional politics at the cost of Oromo nationalism.

A dangerous political trend has emerged in the OLF, and we need to take actions to divert them. One of these trends is that almost all Arssi Oromos, whether they are OLF members or not, have joined and supported the clannish political trend by attacking the non-Arssi OLF leadership. All of them have criticized the non-Arssi OLF leadership while exonerating the OLF leadership of Arssi origin, namely Leenco, Hassan and those who live in exile. For almost two decades, Leenco Baaati and Hassan Hussen were the shakers and movers in the OLF leadership. They should be evaluated for their achievements and failures like other Oromo leaders from other areas. It is morally, ethically and politically wrong that they hide under clan politics because of the number of the Arssi Oromo Diaspora who are in and out of the OLF and who support their wrong actions of these individuals.


We appreciate the involvement of the large numbers of Arssi Oromos in the OLF when the majority of other Oromos are passive or hiding in churches/mosques. In order to play a leading positive role in the Diaspora, the Arssi Oromos should not attack other Oromo leaders while defending Leenco, Hassan and others who wish to emerge as new leaders without being evaluated for their tragic leadership failures and for inciting clan politics that might destroy the future of Oromo society if it is not stopped immediately.


All Oromos from all regions must learn from this Diaspora political debacle. If all Oromos from all Oromo clans, branches and regions do not participate in the Oromo national struggle to balance power of forces, opportunist and reactionary Oromos in the movement can hijack the Oromo national struggle for opportunistic reasons. We support the idea of evaluating the progress of the Oromo movement and the contributions of all Oromos to the movement to critically identify the strengths and weaknesses of the leadership and Oromo society. There is an urgency now to clearly know the differences between Oromo nationalism on one hand and clan/regional/religious politics on the other in the Oromo national struggle. If we want to destroy our future as a society we mix all of fracture identities with Oromo nationalism.

Victory to the Oromo People! Oromia Shall be Free! Down with Ethiopia and its supporters!

Statement of OLF Executive Committee on Unconstitutional Activities and Conspiracies Against the OLF

The Executive Committee (EC) of the OLF conducted an emergency meeting to deliberate on the current internal anarchic and anti organizational activities and passed the following decision.
It has been observed that a clique has clandestinely been conducting destructive activities within the organization for a while. This includes agitations targeting the legitimate leadership of the organization in contradiction to the latest resolutions of the National Council that met last March, 2008. The effort of the leadership to handle this matter wisely and patiently has been disregarded. Now that this clique has gone public in its campaign against the organization by:

1. Conducting illegal public meetings in Nairobi, and Minnesota USA, to that effect;
2. Publicly declaring their split from the organization on electronic media and
3. Declaring, on public radio, that they have substituted the legally elected leadership of the
Organization by their own men;
4. Stated that they have, unconstitutionally, revised the political program of the organization.

The EC, as the defense council of the organization, realizing:
a) That this situation poses danger to the safety and security of the organization,
b) The need to avert the looming confusion in the organization and
c) that the members, supporters and the Oromo people at large should be informed about the possible danger facing the organization and prepare them for the necessary required actions and
d) The need to avert any possible damage to the organization and defend the constitution, rules and regulations of the organization has taken the following administrative decision.

The following core leaders of the clique:
1. Hassan Hussein
2. Leeco Baatii
3. Kamal Galchu
4. Abbaa-Nagaa Jaarraa are excluded from any responsibility or activity of the organization, as of today July 31, 2008, for their activities against the liberation struggle lead by the OLF, violating the constitution of the organization and declaring division within the organization.

These individuals can not represent the organization in any capacity nor speak on its behalf. The EC will subsequently take any necessary measure to avert possible action directed against the activities of the organization by any means.

Victory to the Oromo People.
OLF EC
July 31, 2003

Clash of Freedoms: Press Violations in Ethiopia and Sanctuary in the United States

August 16, 2008 (NewslettelN22) - Since 2001, more than 100 journalists have left Ethiopia. Now, amid discussion that a new media law will be another impedance to achieve press freedom, there is no sign that this trend will change.

RAP 21 interviewed prominent African news website journalist Habtamu Dugo who left Ethiopia several months ago to live in New York City. His story, unfolding alongside the new media law in his home country, is as a testimony to the hostile environment journalists in Ethiopia work in. Though since his arrival in the United States he has again raised his voice on US national radio and television shows in defence of those still in Ethiopia grappling with injustice.
RAP 21: What is the state of press freedom in Ethiopia?

Habtamu Dugo: Ever since the current Ethiopian regime ascended to power in 1991, journalists in Ethiopia have been facing tremendous threats to their lives, their professions, and to the lives of their loved ones and readers or audience. The minority Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) dominates the broadcast media, the telecommunications sector, and the whole economy of the country. Anyone not bearing ruling party cards is seen as an outsider or an enemy, making them primary targets of attacks. The venomously ethnic nature of the regime has no tolerance whatsoever for people belonging to other ethnic groups and for free expression of one’s opinion. Without linking it to the wider undemocratic and totalitarian political system that the regime has been following, it is so hard to understand the troubled Ethiopian media landscape.

For those working in the government media (TV and Radio), self-censorship and censorship imposed by politically appointed newsroom leaders, without any background in journalism or media is very, very rampant and worrisome. These unqualified newsroom leaders carry out arbitrary sacking of journalists and refer it up to the government for other harsh measures. In fact, this extends to imprisonment, torture and forced disappearances of journalists. These tactics are especially deployed on Oromo journalists from the majority group in the country. I know many senior TV/Radio/ Online journalists, who are in exile in Kenya and living in fear everyday.

Journalists are also not allowed to go into sensitive and major areas where stories are really developing. For instance, the May massacre in West Oromia State in the Western part of the country, which claimed the lives of over 400 children, men and women was not reported on. Journalists were prohibited from going into scenes of gross human rights violations such as Ogaden and Oromia. The situation is the same for foreign journalists in Ethiopia who also get harassed and detained for days or months. In the Eastern Oromia State of Ethiopia, UNICEF reports that 6 million children are threatened with starvation. The government has banned people from taking pictures and going into these areas in order to avoid its own embarrassment worldwide. This worsens the humanitarian crises as donors are blocked from getting information.

RAP 21: What is your opinion of the Mass Media and Freedom of Information Law set for the statute book?

Habtamu Dugo: The so-called new “law” is actually a resurrected version of the 1992 draft law created out of a vindictive spirit. All experts and international observers agree that the law will significantly curtail the already non-exiting press freedom in the country. As many other major laws that the EPRDF government passes, this law is primarily a response to the increasing political tensions and conflicts within Ethiopia and between Ethiopia and its neighbouring countries including Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia. It was drafted out of a will to control the flow of information and news on developing crises inside and outside the country. In my view, since this law evolved from the 1992 press law and the 2003 and 2004 draft media and information laws, it is just a license to justify government assaults on media and media workers. It should also be remembered that the government is setting itself up in advance for ’victory’ in the forthcoming 2010 general elections, like what recently happened in Zimbabwe.

As many reviews of the draft laws indicate (for instance as conducted by ARTICLE 19), this old boy in a new guise was ratified, disregarding article 29 of the Ethiopian Federal Constitution and in violation of many international obligations. The law unequivocally rejects provisions of press freedom in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, to which Ethiopia was a signatory in the 1990s. More importantly, the media and information ’law’ does not respect the will of Ethiopians.

It should send off a clear warning signal for the international community that the incumbent government and its surrogates continue to put the country at a critical crossroad. It is unconstitutional because the inception of the current law can be traced back to 1992. The Federal Constitution was enacted only in 1995, three years later. 1992 was also characterized by political dramas and tensions, where the EPRDF outlawed any major oppositions and literally squashed dissent by force.

If you would ask me, if this media and information law were a perfect law, it still would be limited to paper as EPRDF has never changed and has never implemented many high-sounding laws that it has passed, including its own Constitution. The international community must act to protect press freedom in this country by urging for political solutions. It is foolish to expect a respect for press freedom in Ethiopia where there are no solutions to the political standoff.
RAP 21: Can a set of government manoeuvres explain the high number of Ethiopian journalists who have left the country?

Habtamu Dugo: In general it is impossible to address the Ethiopia’s press standoff without first addressing the political standoffs created by the regime, which does not believe in peaceful dialogue but militancy and extremism.

Journalists are murdered, intimidated, and tortured. They receive trumped up charges such as treason and they are called ’anti people forces’ and ’anti peace and development forces’. These are often the grounds on which we are attacked. They also often receive heavy financial sanctions that force papers to shut down. Print papers and magazines, or even music cassettes are confiscated. Journalists are fired from their jobs. And when they are not, there is heavy control and surveillance on their contacts and sources. The list goes on.
RAP 21: What led you to seek refuge in the United States?

Habtamu Dugo: I have been working as a journalism educator and as an online journalist for major Horn of African news websites, including Sudan Tribune.Com and Gadaa.Com. In March this year, I was stopped on my way home in the evening in the capital city Addis Ababa because some of my articles exposed governmental abuses. Two armed men asked me to stop and they beat me with rifle buts and left me on a passage to die on the way to my home. I dragged myself in and ailed for a couple of days before deciding I should leave the country. I was going to the United States for a conference and I decided to stay there because I revealed a lot of information about the brutality of the regime and its control over information and news outlets in the country. I hid under the pen name Qeerransoo Biyyaa for years but the government discovered it. I survived that attack and a number of other ones since 2000.
RAP 21: What has your experience been like in the United States?

Habtamu Dugo: Upon my entrance to the US three months ago, people have welcomed me with a tremendous amount of warmth and I think I have met the kindest people on earth, which was beyond my expectation. I have celebrated the 4th of July here and it was spectacular. I went with my American friends to fireworks, barbecues and felt so much at home. It was a great healing process from my past persecutions in Ethiopia.

In the US, I have been given various platforms on which I discussed issues of press freedom and free speech violations in Ethiopia. I was on a radio show in Denver, Colorado. I had a few podcast interviews on crucial issues such as Internet freedom in Ethiopia, conflict and deforestation in Africa, and Chinese influence in Africa (www.ivoices.org). I appeared on Colorado KBDI public television. I have observed on several occasions that US citizens care so much about freedom expression and press freedom issues.

It was also an advantage for me as I was an English speaker and did not have to face linguistic and cultural problems. For instance, I know other exiled journalists who are treated badly in other countries like Yemen as your previous newsletter showed and are forced even to beg for food. This is totally degrading for them, whereas I have easily interacted with people and have shared my experiences with them. People said to me that ’A lot of the time we take for granted the freedoms that we have in the US and your life reminds us to cherish what we have"
The US media is also very diversified and allows plural views. One can express his political opinion freely here, without fear or facing dire consequences as I result of it. I think the US is a great nation that lives up to its name!

Last, the credit goes to the Independence Institute, a free market think tank group based in Golden, Colorado, for the interview platforms.

RAP 21: What are your general impressions of other exiled Ethiopian journalists spread across the world?

Habtamu Dugo: Most often those who are labelled as Ethiopian journalists seeking refugee status in other countries come from the Oromo people, who comprise 40 percent of Ethiopia’s population. There is no press freedom for them right now as all the print media run by Oromo journalists have been shut down and their journalists have been jailed. Their publications are confiscated and their legal personality as media companies has been scrapped. Though, once they are out of their country, these journalists face another set of challenges. Most have left their children and wives back home. They worry about them but cannot provide financially. Their status’ shift from being well-known journalists, editors, publishers, and broadcasters to being helpless and abandoned refugees. They have major psychological battles that have led some to commit suicide.

African journalists and especially the Oromo journalists are probably the most abandoned and suffering journalists both inside and outside their countries. Elsewhere, journalism is a respected profession that people want to go into, but in Ethiopia because of the high degree of risk students are avoiding the journalism departments or their parents are nervous about their children aspiring to become journalists. The situation is gloomier than what we can find in most international reports about cases of Ethiopian journalists.

While these reports are important they lack depth and the cases covered are too few because the government has also blacked out access to information.

The government is happy to see journalists leave the country and become helpless and voiceless. Moreover, most of the exiled journalists stop working towards achieving press freedom in their own country due to the widespread geographical locations they look to for sanctuary. Also they stop their work because of their low morale. I have spoken to many journalists in exile and they feel so demoralized and insignificant because they can no longer influence the political, social, and economic developments in their country.